Euro-grief:
A few
months back I suggested that technocratic European
elites had failed to connect with their peoples.
We all saw this in France and Holland – with
more referenda maybe in many other places, Germany
for a start? Instead of painless increments in
affluence and welfare, the European model now seems
to mean paying more tax (for the lower paid) for
fewer benefits plus rampant unemployment. The Bundesbank
and their successors at the E.C.B. did a lot, with
tight money policies, to wreck support for the
new Constitution, enlargement, or anything else.
To many in Britain, the “Euro project” is
a “centre left” one. However there
was scant sign of this in the debates. The anti
globalization left pointed to all the pro market,
free trade dogma hard wired into the constitution.
As arch Europhile Will Hutton says, it was Blair’s
people that had ‘social’ aspects like
workplace rights deleted from the Constitution – giving
the likes of him nothing to argue for. Recently
it has been national governments, under electoral
pressure, holding the line against marketism (oh
sorry, “modernization”). Call this
populism or protectionism if you like. So what
if it has benefits! Chirac had ALSTOM, a major
employer that builds the TGV trains bailed out
when it got into trouble. The CBI thought this
dreadful but what’s it to us? No one makes
trains in Britain any more.
E.U. central organs all push the other way especially
the present Commission (of whom Mandelson is slightly
to the left!!). No wonder that in France the poorest
areas voted the biggest “non”. All
these marketizing changes are supposed to help
Europeans “compete” with Chinese workers
on 10p an hour in a police state with 900 million
desperate peasants to take their jobs if they get
stroppy. Competitive like the U.S. and U.K. economies
with their colossal trade deficits, maybe?
Narcotic:
When Marx called religion ‘the opium of
the people’ * this was not an anti clerical
rant, but a thoughtful piece describing religion
as ‘the heart of a heartless world and the
soul of soulless conditions’. Maybe he shared
naïve nineteenth century ideas about the inevitable
decline of religious faith, but he didn’t
see clergy bashing as vital task. For him, religion
would wither on the vine when humanity came to
greater consciousness and changed the oppressive
conditions giving rise to religious fervour. True,
in countries like France there was a strong anticlerical
tradition, with reason since the Church propped
up the corruption and brutality of the ancien
regime. Later socialists sometimes allowed
their politics to get muddled with an anti religious
tradition which seems amazingly dated in Western
Europe.
Today, we find churches to the fore of social
and environmental protests, their activists well
to the left of the mainstream parties. They are
concerned to be inclusive as debates in our Church
of England over the ordination of women and gays
show. [It’s unfair to criticize these churches
for hesitancy on such issues, since in most religious
communities in the world such debate could not
be envisaged!] There is a “fit” between
the preoccupations of religious people and the “secular” left – community,
fair shares, human rights and scepticism about
immediate gratification and hedonism. In these
circumstances, the nineteenth century Continental
socialist legacy of militant atheism seems irrelevant
and counter productive: why alienate potential
allies gratuitously? Would society be more pleasant
if organized religion vanished overnight?
However, the world is not all thus. In the U.S.,
while many mainstream religious denominations (notably
the ‘black churches’) hold progressive
views and are active in social justice movements,
the Religious right cannot be ignored. Maybe it
can be exaggerated – most of Dubya’s
votes are to do with patriotism, relative economic
progress for some, media bias and security scares.
However it is unprecedented that militantly extreme
fringe Christians who care nothing for the environment,
reject evidence for evolution, would risk global
war to defend Israeli intransigence, and are unwilling
to give an inch on abortion or homosexual rights
could have such power as they do under Bush jr
in the sole superpower.
Elsewhere, in the shanty towns of the poor world
or the inner city estates of big European cities,
we have seen a resurgence of religious intransigence
and fundamentalism that can be both externally
violent and intolerant while internally oppressive
of critical spirits let alone women and gays. While
aspects of modern Islam certainly fit this pattern,
it is of course to be found with Hindus (B.J.P.),
Sikhs, Buddhists and Pentecostalism to name but
a few. The rise of religious intolerance and bigotry
stems from the failure of secular left and nationalist
movements to be more effective, not to say the
active help given by local reaction and the ‘West’ as
a bulwark of order.
Sections of the left, blinded by understandable
anti racism and ‘anti imperialism’,
chose to defend reactionary religious practices
or condone for instance the barbarism of some in
the Iraqi resistance. Others opposed the French
ban on the Muslim hijab in schools as
being authoritarian. Of course, had tens of thousands
of young women refused to comply with this edict,
it’s hard to imagine what the repressive
state machine could have done – send in tanks?
In practice, I gather that there are currently
only a few dozen refuseniks insisting on headscarves.
A cynic might conclude that most of the rest are
happy to dress like their less religious peers
and find the new law a convenient to resist the
pressure of community and family. The demonization
of the state on parts of the left seems to have
grown just as real life states find themselves
losing more and more power. Informal community
pressure can be a lot more oppressive than legal
restrictions!
* in the opening paras of his Contribution
to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of
Right.
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