| here can be little doubt that we are living
in a declining phase of capitalist civilisation. Indeed the
consensus before and during the second world war was that
capitalism had reached its terminal point and was being superseded
by a type of bureaucratic collectivist social order (it would
be politic I think not to use the term 'socialism' in this
connexion). This view was common to both opponents as well
as partisans of capitalism (e.g. J.A. Schumpeter, James Burnham,
F. Von Hayek).
It came as a surprise, therefore, that capitalism would have
another - extremely successful - post-war run. But like all
periods of long-run expansion the system ran into the buffers
of over-accumulation, stagnation and inflation (circa 1975).
This gave rise to the counter-revolutionary movement of the
80s and 90s, variously termed, neo-liberalism, globalisation,
free-markets, privatisation, de-regulation. This movement
was led by grubby little people from the suburbs and provinces
- Thatcher, Reagan, Berlusconi and their ilk; petit-bourgeois
arrivistes with little or no education or culture, and certainly
without any sense of noblesse oblige. Archetypal counter-revolutionaries
in fact, comparable in terms of their social background and
education with the fascist leaders of the 1920s and 30s. This
particular phase of the capitalist cycle (1980-2000) saw the
emergence of the golden age of high finance; yuppies, stock
market booms, conspicuous consumption, the IT/Media/Telecommunications
bubble, new paradigms, new economy, a global Anglo-American
consumer culture ... and so forth.
This stage of the cycle has now ended. Now is the period
of collapse (or market correction as it is now called): a
collapse of overvalued equity markets; a collapse of the confidence
of investors in the integrity of those executives in the command
posts of the economy; a collapse in manufacturing and banking
profits due to bad loans, unwise investments and over-investment;
a collapse in the belief that any systemic and fundamental
change can be effected through orthodox politics.
The decline of civilisations (capitalist or otherwise) is
ultimately, however, a question of culture and politics, rather
than of economics. The cultural and moral decline of late
capitalist civilisation needs to be demonstrated, not merely
asserted. This is not difficult; the indicators of disintegration
and social pathology are everywhere. Rates of clinical depression
have increased considerably since 1950. In America a survey
of over 18,000 adults found that a person born between 1945
and 1955 was between three and ten times more likely to suffer
a major depression before the age of 34 than a person born
between 1905 and 1914. Another American study involving 19,000
people found that 20% of the total US population suffer from
a mental illness (as defined by the psychiatric bible The
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) during
any given 12 months and that 32% will suffer at some point
during their lifetime.
Rates of suicide have increased since 1950 - they have trebled
in the UK since 1970. Crimes against the person have risen
in the UK from 6,000 in 1950, to 239,000 in 1996. Alcohol
and substance misuse have increased exponentially. Italy went
from 343 registered heroin addicts in 1976 to 183,386 in 1991.
The UK experience was similar: starting from a lower base
the number of registered (N.B.) addicts in 1979 was 79, by
1990 this figure had reached 50,740. Add to this various other
manifestations of mass neuroses; eating disorders and smoking
(a particular problem in young women), road rage, air rage,
the increasing incidence of violence towards shop staff, teachers,
nurses and doctors and welfare officials, or indeed against
anybody who gets in the way.Increasing numbers are incarcerated
in prison, some 2 million in the United States alone. Less
dramatically, perhaps, has been the decline in common civility,
and neighbourliness. It has become fashionable to break the
rules if it suits. One could go on, but I think the point
is made. We are in the middle of a moral crisis. ( Oliver
James's book, Britain on the Couch, provides much evidence).
Undoubtedly the social pathologies we currently bear witness
to have their origins in the ideology of the political and
business elites. 'There is no such thing as society.' If this
is true then I have no social obligations; one cannot have
social obligations to a non-existent entity. It follows that
others have no obligations towards me. This situation contains
the seeds of social breakdown; for social order is based upon
a system or moral reciprocity and will tend to disintegrate
in its absence. The amorality of the new ruling class has
unfortunately trickled down and now permeates society as a
whole. It is a desolate and decadent worldview, with its emphasis
upon egotistical aggrandisement, irresponsibility and success
worship; where money is the measure of all things.
In this society everything is (in theory at least) possible;
de-regulation has led to an infinity of expectations. We have
reached what the great French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)
called a state of 'anomie'. Literally translated this means
'normlessness' or the lack of a moral consensus. This situation
occurs when there is a social and economic shift but without
a corresponding development of a new morality. Morality is
the vital controlling and limiting factor in society. Without
this regulatory force people's aspirations overshoot realistic
and socially contrived limits. He asserts: 'To pursue a goal
which is by definition unobtainable is to condemn oneself
to a state of perpetual unhappiness.' Yet this pursuit is
precisely what we are enjoined to do. Day in, day out, there
is the relentless media projection of rich, beautiful and
successful people which the masses cannot possibly emulate,
but which nonetheless they are encouraged so to do - primarily
because this suits business interests. This inevitably leads
to negative comparisons and massive disappointment, unhappiness
and pathological behaviours; eating disorders in young women
who want to look like supermodels, or crime in young men who
are merely obeying the imperative to get rich quick. Or it
could be just a sense of inadequacy which in its turn leads
to chronic depression.
In addition to this 'malady of infinite aspirations' there
is the problem of the weakening of the ties of social cohesion.
In an increasingly individualistic society the stabilising
force of social integration is being progressively debilitated.
Unfortunately the more this is the case the greater will be
the level of social pathology. In his study 'Suicide' Durkheim
discovered that there was an inverse ratio between the rate
of suicide and the level of social integration. Poverty was
not then a factor. Poverty is a factor today since it is combined
with negative upward comparisons and an evident lack of community
and social integration. This pivotal function of cultural
solidarity vis-a-vis our emotional and mental well-being perhaps
explains the paradox of why the suicide rate fell during the
second world war. War of course is a great social integrator.
In sum Durkheim's view was that we are best emotionally and
psychologically suited for stable, hierarchical collectivist
societies. If we must live in industrial societies then let
them be controlled by an integrating moral framework (conscience
collective as he called it). Clearly had Durkheim been witness
to the type of volatile, 'decadent and individualistic capitalism'
(Keynes) of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, he would
have surely been confirmed in his views. Essentially, Durkheim
was a cultural conservative who - like Freud - argued that
man (sic) needs the imposition of social constraints in order
to function. In time these taboos and imperatives become internalised
so that their external presence is no longer required. Society
becomes anchored in the individual; in Freudian terms, through
the super-ego, and, according to Durkheim, through the conscience
collective. This was the pre-requisite for civilisation.
A rather different view is taken by Marx with his theory
of alienation. In capitalist society constraints (in Marxist
terminology, the social relations of production) are the problem
not the solution. Capital, the product of labour, actually
stands in hostile opposition to labour; the labourer is thus
alienated from the product of his labour which has taken on
a material form.' The more the worker expends himself in work,
the more powerful becomes the world of objects which he creates
in the face of himself, the poorer he becomes in his inner
life, the less he belongs to himself.'
Moreover the worker has not only produced physical capital,
but has also reproduced the social relations of production
- worker and capitalist. Marx goes on to explain how capitalist
production is based upon forced labour and a general spirit
of competitiveness further alienating the worker from both
his true nature and his species being. In this topsy-turvy
world man exists for capital and not the other way around;
the more wealth that is produced externally, the greater the
internal impoverishment. According to Marx:
' ... the more the worker spends himself, the more powerful
the alien objective world becomes which he creates over against
himself, the poorer he himself - his inner world - the less
belongs to him as his own ... the worker puts his life into
the object; but now his life no longer belongs to him but
to the object. Hence the greater his activity, the greater
is the worker's lack of objects. Whatever the product of his
labour is, he is not. Therefore the greater is this product,
the less he is himself.' (K. Marx Economic & Philosophical
Manuscripts 1844)
All of which explains why GDP growth - beyond a certain level
- is not the key to human happiness. Alienation or anomie
- take your pick. Does the sty make the pig or the pig make
the sty? Too much freedom or not enough? Actually I don't
think that the question is ultimately very important or indeed
resolvable. What is important is the fact of moral and cultural
decline and the corollary of social disintegration - a crisis
which is very real.
There is a tendency to look to a golden age in the past and
denigrate the present. I also acknowledge that there has been
real progress in science and technology, as well as political
and social progress, and that certain groups have emerged
from centuries of oppression and marginalisation (women, ethnic
groups and gays). Concurrently, however, there have also occurred
massive regressions and systematic marginalisation of other
groups (the old, the poor, the third-world); such is the dialectic
of history. Definitively, however, the empirical evidence
points unequivocally to a societal crisis at all levels: economic,
social, moral, cultural, and environmental. This is exactly
the type of crisis which presages fundamental historical change.
But in the short to medium term things are bound to get very
ugly indeed.
'Only idealists imagine that the world is moved forward through
the free initiative of human thought ... classes and peoples
have not shown decisive initiative except when history has
thrashed them with its heavy crop ... how conservative and
slow to move is human thought, how stubbornly it clings to
the past ... until the next blow of the scourge.'( Leon Trotsky
- Writings On Britain). |