e could just say “it’s peace and prosperity,
stupid”, and leave it at that. However Martin Cook’s
piece in Chartist July/August issue begs a considered response
about the EU if the resurgence of Euro-scepticism on the
left (as well as the right) is to be countered.
Many democratic socialists would contend that the EU is
something we need to work on, engage with and improve, but
dispute his assertion that the argument is between so-called
Blairite economic reformers (Gordon Brown advancing the notion
that Europe should follow his economic lead) and hard right
rejectionists. If we don’t like the PFI style economics
coming out of Downing Street maybe we ought to argue withdraw
from the EU? The EU is part of our life and it’s up
to the Left to try and make it work better. Let’s not
forget the good stuff. (Isn’t that just the same argument
we use to support a continued Labour government?) The EU
is certainly not the panacea to all problems at home, but
withdrawal would solve nothing.
Trades unions recognise the damage that withdrawal from
theEU would do to jobs in this country. And what good would
it do? To see our goods in Europe we would still have to
meet EU directives and we would lose our say in developing
them.
Martin Cook suggests that there does not seem to be much
noise in the press from other EU countries about the European
Social Model, and this line of approach is now dead and buried.
Since when was the press faithfully replicating the debate
about anything? Arguments for the social market economy and
social justice remain alive and flourishing all over the
continent. It’s not valid to enlarge Swedish small
countryitis into a continent-wide malaise. Martin points
to the heavy handed approach of the European Central Bank(ECB)
as evidence, but there are widespread voices calling for
reform of the Growth and Stability Pact. There should be
no reason why economic expansion and investment in social
equity cannot take place, so long as it does not lead to
inflation (which has never been the friend of the working
class). If Britain were part of the Euro-zone I suggest this
country would be arguing for this reform too. It’s
not in the interests of the ECB nor anyone else to institutionalise
recession. There is not the slightest reason why the poor
new EU countries should remain poor indefinitely (look at
Ireland’s progress) and indeed such a scenario is in
no-one’s interest.
We should be careful, too, about suggesting that all ECB
policy is about blocking any transfer of wealth from richer
to poorer. European regional and cohesion policy has just
this at its basis, but taxation does remain national policy
and it’s up to the Left here to join the potent argument
on the continent that higher taxation of the wealthier sections
of society could offer more scope for investment in public
services.
It’s true that gone are the heady days of Jacques
Delors’ speech to the TUC during the Thatcher era which
turned the tide on the traditional anti-Europeanism of the
Left. Given the recent enlargement to the poor countries
of Central and Eastern Europe, the old left idea of Europe
as a rich man’s club is no longer the case. In the
80s, the social goods of womens’ equality legislation,
health and safety rules and environment laws tipped the balance
of public opinion. It seemed that good things for working
people came from Europe rather than the repressive government
at home, and that the Tories were forced to make some progressive
legislative changes as a result.
After the Labour victory in 1997, the European Social Chapter
was taken on board by the UK. Let’s remember this would
never have happened under the Tories. It’s true, though,
that the Left does have to continue to argue hard for and
defend workers’ rights in the teeth of constant pressure
on our government from anti-regulation minded business.
Martin is right to complain about some of the attempts to
push the pure market economy and the privatisation agenda.
Yet despite some set-backs, we are still seeing advances
in consumer protection, public health priorities, environmental
standards, working conditions such as working time and rights
for part-time and temporary workers, and better discrimination
laws coming from the EU, in the teeth of an in-built right-wing
majority in the European Parliament since 1999. Some of this
has been despite opposition from our own business friendly
new Labour government. But if you look at publications such
as the RSPB’s magazine you will see praise for ‘boring’ EU
policies such as the Water Framework Directive, and to commitment
to preserving biodiversity, amongst others. Yes there are
threats to the environment in Eastern Europe (mostly from
policies of their own governments), so pressure needs to
be kept on the European Commission to ensure that funding
departments do not violate EU environmental rules, rather
than simply turning our backs and complaining.
Another stage in CAP reform is now on the books, largely
thanks to pressure from the Left. Still not enough to be
sure, but food mountains are now largely a memory, and the
new agri-environment measures are about protecting the land,
not destroying it. The outrageously high subsidies to the
tobacco farmers, against which I fought for years, are now
being abolished. Strategic environmental impact assessment
(now law) will make it more difficult for thoughtless EU
regional funding to be used for motorway building that damages
the environment, and with a bit of luck, our own government’s
mad plans to expand airport runways everywhere in the South
East. We are also seeing the beginnings of progress in WTO
negotiations that will force reductions in damaging EU subsidies
and help developing countries market their produce to the
EU. Even lots more of the EU’s secret deals and documents
now must be disclosed to the public eye, thanks to a Labour
MEP. More to do here, but there is progress.
Some may hold up cheap air travel as an EU success story,
but as an environmentalist I see it as highly damaging.
Martin Cook’s piece brought incidentally an attack
on a perfectly harmless EU attempt to improve the standards
of vitamins and herbal pills, and even Peter Hain has accused
Brussels of meddling in this area. It’s a myth. Precisely
one of the important things Europe IS for is to protect consumers.
The Directive on food supplements is about ensuring that
products on the market not only are safe, but that they do
what it says on the tin. No vitamin or herbal product will
be banned outright. Some research showed that some Echinacea
products on the market contain such small amounts of the
essential active ingredient in a daily dose that they could
not make a jot of difference to anyone’s health. That’s
marketing fraud. The petition campaign circulating in health
food shops is sponsored by Consumers for Health Choice, a
lobby funded by big producers, many of them US-owned. They
are using scare tactics and outright lies. This is not meddling
from Brussels, but a perfectly legitimate attempt to protect
consumers.
One of the big battles – the challenge to the destructive
power of big chemical companies – is taking place right
now via the European Commission’s REACH proposals.
Forty years after the American scientist Rachel Carson wrote
The Silent Spring, we are on the brink of having important
health tests made on the safety of the cocktail of chemicals
we all ingest daily. This will be a first step to reduce
the carcinogenic risks of the world we live in. I speak painfully
as one who has had four friends die this year from cancer.
This important reform is being fiercely fought by right wing
interests. So where is the Left’s campaign? Not in
evidence.
So indifferent are we that we have left all the running
on this to the Greens, and managed to send a depleted band
of Labour MEPs back to Brussels so that the team will be
hard put even to stand up against pressure to water down
the REACH proposals. It’s all being left to campaigning
by NGOs such as WWF, with Green noise off.
The anti-globalisation and anti-war campaigns seem to have
spilled over in the minds of left leaning political animals
into being anti all parts of the establishment and with it
the EU, resulting in a rise of opposition to a joining the
Euro and ratifying the European Convention. I, too, did not
support the war in Iraq, but does it really mean we have
to take on board the whole truckload of ancillary bitterness?
Don’t let’s forget peace as a fairly decent
reason for the EU to exist. A Europe divided since the Cold
War has now been reunited. Policies will be decided by voting
not by armies. Don’t underestimate the power of negotiation
round the political table.
The job of the left should not be to support UKIP in trying
to sink the EU but to continue to democratise it and argue
for democratic socialism with our partners from the continent.
Accountability is important as is improved scrutiny of Brussels,
which is part of the European Constitution proposals. That
actually gives more power to national Parliaments to look
at emerging legislation and decide whether it is suitable
for the European stage.
A more positive attitude to working for a better Europe
would be helpful rather than criticising from the edges,
letting it by default fall into the hands of the ultra-right.
We have just seen an unhappy combination of Euroscepticism
and populism leading to 12 UKIP nutters being elected to
the European Parliament. This did mainly hit the Tory vote
to be sure, but Labour’s team was also decimated by
the ‘principled’ abstentions and anti-war support
for Respect. This sort of protest vote lasts for a full five
year term, not just a week’s press headlines. Our reduced
band of Labour MEPs needs a bit of solidarity from party
members in their effort to improve our quality of life in
the next five years.
Anita Pollack was MEP for London South West from 1989–99
and a London Labour Candidate in the June 2004 European elections. |