olitical party membership enjoyed
a surprising and little reported boost in the second
half of 2005. Determined democrats in the Conservative
Party, no less, fought for the right to have a
say in the election of their latest leader. And
won. No thanks to the Parliamentary Conservative
Party and its outgoing leader Michael Howard who
wanted to reverse the ‘one member one vote’ system
introduced after Labour won in 1997 and led to
the election of William Hague.
Democratic Socialists in the Labour Party could
only stand by wistfully and dream of a leadership
contest promised by their Leader, but still not
timetabled. But there were encouraging signs
from inside the Parliamentary Labour Party, that
maybe 2006 will see party democracy revived.
The scale of their revolt over detention without
charge, and then the Education White Paper have
given hapless rank-and-file members a glimmer
of hope. Sadly, it is probably too little, too
late to help turn Labour’s prospects in
the May 2006 local government elections. But
it might just stir the PLP into demanding nomination
papers be issued to start the leadership election
process in accordance with the Party’s
Rules and not the whim of its current leadership.
The outcome of the Tory party leadership contest
sent the Parliamentary Liberal Democrats into
a spin about the future of their own Leader,
Charles Kennedy. Their claims of having brought
three-party politics into the mainstream look
less convincing against the prospect of a resurgent
Tory Party under David Cameron. No democratic
socialist could deny the Tory leadership contest
was a dignified and edifying process from which
lessons could be learned by the ruling Labour
Party.
That contest could mark a watershed in the way
our elected representatives conduct themselves
in relation to their own parties. No sooner was
Cameron declared the winner than he proclaimed
an end to Punch and Judy politics across the
despatch boxes in the House of Commons. He launched
a membership appeal. Within half an hour of the
declaration a new Conservative Party website
was released to reinforce those messages.
Not surprisingly, the warm words were marred
a few days later when the traditional week-long
Annual Conservative Party conference was abolished
by diktat from Conservative Central Office. Reports
stated it is only attended by ‘fanatics’ and
retired people. No doubt those Tories who campaigned
for the right to have a say in the election of
their leader will be making their views known
about the annual trip to the seaside (or canal-side
if at some point in the future they follow Labour
in 2006 and go to Manchester for an Annual Conference).
On the plus side, there was the newly elected
leader of a mainstream political party appearing
to appreciate the need for members. Wasn’t
that what New Labour did? In that regard, at
least, there is no doubt of the voracity of Labour
Leader Tony Blair’s claim that Cameron’s
Tories are copying New Labour.
On 27 February 2006, if all goes according to
plan, Britain’s mainstream politicians
will get a rude awakening. The PoWEr Inquiry
into Britain’s democracy chaired by Baroness
Helena Kennedy QC proposes to publish its report.
The Inquiry funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation
and the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust was launched
in late 2004. At the time it said of its work,
‘We seem to be entering an era of permanent
political disaffection and mistrust, where the
gap between citizens and political power is getting
ever wider. And yet, beyond the ballot box, many
of us continue to feel passionately about the
issues that affect our lives and the lives of
others. This growing disconnection between the
governors and the governed threatens to undermine
the vitality and legitimacy of Britain's democracy.
The POWER Inquiry has been set up to explore,
through public engagement, research and a high
profile commission, the causes of our disillusionment
and to examine new approaches to political participation.
POWER will act as a forum for the best available
thinking on the sources of political disaffection
and will host debate and discussion across the
country, to seek out solutions to this complex
and pressing problem.’
Initial indications suggest that its conclusions
will highlight the enormous difficulties all
the parties face if they hope to rebuild their
membership as a contribution to strengthening
British democracy. According to a source close
to the Inquiry it seems that we Brits hate and
despise our politicians with a ferocity that
bodes ill for the future unless politicians themselves
change. To date politicians of all parties have
generally shown themselves adept at deflecting
criticism of their own behaviours. They often
seek comfort in the the idea that we, the people,
are just apathetic. The idea that membership
of a political party (with a distinctive programme
expressing ideology and values) is a legitimate
expression of active citizenship has been overwhelmed
by the scramble for middle England, and a working
majority of seats in the British Parliament at
Westminster. Similarly the idea that politicians
should be accountable to their party members
is summarily brushed aside.
Democratic socialists need to rally to this
idea that party politics is legit, and politicians
must be accountable not just the electorate but
their party members.
The Electoral Commission sought to encourage
party membership in its report published in December
2004 on the Funding of Political Parties. But
it was far too timid in the way in which it presented
its recommendations, and in any event its report
was published through no fault of the Commission’s
on the same day that David Blunkett, then Home
Secretary resigned from the Cabinet for the first
time, and the Law Lords ruled on New Labour’s
Guantanamo Bay – Belmarsh Prison and those
people detained there without trial.
A key test for the PoWEr Inquiry is what it
says about the role of political parties in our
Parliamentary Democracy. In answer to the question, ‘Does
PoWEr have political bias?’, the organisation
states on its website, ‘No. POWER is completely
independent of any political party or organisation.
The Commission is made up of people from the
left, right and centre of politics, and mostly
of people with no particular party political
affiliation.’
Whether that proves to have enabled the Inquiry
to take a more dispassionate view of our democracy
and how to strengthen it remains to be seen.
What is not in doubt in the minds of some who
gave evidence is the critical importance of political
parties in our democracy. Which other institutions
are capable of forming governments? Well, once
upon a time there was the monarchy. But events
have moved on. Now we have the reincarnation
of the monarchy as parliamentary democracy. When
we talk in constitutional terms about the Sovereign
in Parliament, we really mean the Prime Minister,
not the occupant of Buckingham Palace. But given
that political parties are the only source of
people to form governments in Britain, it might
have been prudent of the PoWEr Inquiry to take
a closer interest in their inner workings than
has so far proved to be the case.
Forward thinking members of the Labour Party,
albeit self-appointed ones, have already positioned
themselves to respond. The LabOUR Commission,
with Michael Meacher MP in the chair, has been
meeting for over eight months. Focus groups have
been conducted with Labour Party members and
former members in London, Birmingham, Cardiff,
Glasgow and Manchester. No doubt that will have
some of you spitting blood. But all the advice
is that if you want to know what questions to
ask in a national opinion poll, ask the people
whom you are targetting what they think…then
you might start out asking the right questions.
Just in case anyone thought that the Commission
rigged the Focus Groups, the participants were
drawn predominantly from a database supplied
by the national online polling organisation,
YouGov.
More focus groups are planned to learn from
political activists and trade unions about their
views on the Labour Party, their values and aspirations
and how they can be realised in a modern parliamentary
democracy. A representative national opinion
poll will follow conducted by a reputable polling
organisation. This work is being supervised by
a team of top flight political scientists led
by Professor Stuart Weir of the Democratic Audit
at the University of Essex. Events are being
planned to offer stakeholders opportunities to
present positive suggestions about how to rebuild
the Party. Details will be posted at www.labourcommission.org.uk
This will provide an evidenced-based approach
to the steps Labour is going to have to take
to rebuild as the leading progressive force on
the centre-left of British politics. Making Labour
re-electable is a vital consideration. With a
membership that includes three members of the
current Labour Party National Executive Committee,
the Commission aims to make recommendations that
can feed quickly into mainstream Party thinking.
Latest polling data suggests that the Tories
are positioning themselves to make further electoral
gains at the next General Election. An ICM opinion
poll in mid-December showed two-thirds of voters
think Blair's government has run out of steam,
putting the Conservatives a point ahead of Labour
on 37 percent -- only the second time since 1993
they have led in an ICM survey. Both main opposition
parties are expecting to increase their grip
on local government in the May 2006 elections.
The Tories are already the largest party in UK
local government. This should only serve as a
further reminder to the current Labour leadership
of the importance of carrying the Party’s
members, even while in government, if electoral
success is to be sustained.
What Labour needs is a statement in early 2006
from Blair saying he will step down at the 2006
Party Conference. This would trigger a leadership
election which would give Labour a chance to demonstrate
to the electorate it is still brimming with ideas,
and not run out of steam. Even then it will be
a gargantuan task for his successor to convince
the electorate and party activists, Labour is a
party worth not just voting for, but joining. Gordon
Brown, his presumed successor, the rest of the
cabinet and Blair’s closest advisors are
going to need to persuade him to step down this
year to advance Labour’s prospects of securing
a 4th term, if only to maintain their own political
credibility. The PoWEr Inquiry and the local elections
may prove to be as decisive as internal rumblings
in accelerating that process. |