Andrea Pisauro on the lessons of Mussolini’s fascist Italy for today
OOne intriguing choice in Antonio Scurati novel about Mussolini’s rise to power, currently adapted in a homonymous TV series, is its title. Was Mussolini really the “son” of the XX century?
Was Fascism the inevitable consequence of WWI, the normalisation of violence and political instability that followed, particularly in a country like Italy, hit by mass unemployment and social unrest? Undoubtedly, Mussolini was a man of his time and fascism a response to the contradictions of post-war Italy. But this narrative obliterates an important part of the story: Mussolini’s rise to power was precarious and in many moments almost over.
Discussing such moments challenges the sense that the demise of democracy is inevitable which in turn is vital given the ongoing coup in the USA and the global democratic backsliding. Another past was possible: so is another future. Understanding the crucial junctures that shaped history is a way to imagine how to change the course of events now.
For Mussolini, the first of such junctures came at the very moment of his appointment as PM in October 1922, following the March on Rome. Nobody forced the king to appoint Mussolini. On the contrary, the former government had asked him to decree a state of siege which would have easily allowed to repel the marching fascists. The King’s choice of a strong man to end political instability reminds us that monarchy and democracy are hardly compatible during a crisis.
Yet Italy was still formally a democracy as the king exercised his prerogatives and a Parliament with a liberal majority granted its confidence in the new leader. Like Trump today, Mussolini did not waste time to enact his authoritarian impulses. Having obtained from Parliament a hyper-majoritarian electoral law, he dissolved it just 14 months after his appointment. That Parliament handing itself to Mussolini was not yet fascist. Many liberals and “moderates” supported the despot. Many regretted it then and will regret it now if they are not reminded of the lessons of history.
In April 1924 Italians went to the polls. It would be the last time for more than 20 years. The “national list” of Mussolini, mostly fascist, conquered an absolute majority after an electoral campaign marred by violence both by the state and the private fascist militia. A socialist candidate was killed. Many more were beaten and prevented from campaigning. There would be no way back from that rigged election. There might not be one now if and where it is allowed to happen again.
Later in April, Giacomo Matteotti, leader of the Italian Unitary Socialist Party, secretly travelled across Europe to raise the alarm about the fascist government. He demanded “moral and material assistance”. Across meetings in Brussels, London and Paris, he argued that fascism could usher in a European wave of authoritarianism which would be violent, repressive and imperialistic. In London he was received by representatives of the Labour government, the Socialist international, and the Unions. His vivid account of the Italian situation prompted a translation of his book “Fascist Exposed” – listing in detail fascist crimes. Other than that, assistance didn’t arrive, at least not on time. Let’s not spare assistance to those resisting present and future attempts to undermine democratic institutions.
The significance of Matteotti’s European tour did not escape Mussolini, who demanded the Italian ambassador in London to find out whether Matteotti had met Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. Nor did Mussolini underestimate the significance of Matteotti’s speech in Parliament on 30th Maywhich denounced the election results as illegitimate. In an article, Mussolini described the speech as “monstrously provocative, deserving something more tangible than epithet[s]”. A threat that should have been taken very seriously, as should all threats from contemporary despots.
Matteotti was killed by Mussolini’s secret police on June the 10th, 1924, while he was walking towards Parliament to prepare a speech for the following day. On top of everything else, Mussolini feared that Matteotti might reveal information received in London accusing the fascist government of corruption over a deal with an American oil company. Indeed, in London Matteotti is rumoured to have met a young Brendan Bracken, lifelong ally of Winston Churchill and his minister of information during WWII. Backing this up, the July 1924 issue of a magazine edited by Bracken contains the last article of Giacomo Matteotti, a fascinating piece mentioning the oil scandal and accusing fascists of making Italy’s name infamous in the world. A prophecy that stood the test of history. Whose prophecies should we listen to today?
By December 1924, the investigators over Matteotti’s murder had evidence that his murderers had been acting on orders from Mussolini. The king, alerted, did nothing. Il Duce took his chance: speaking to parliament on January 3 1925, he took “political responsibility” for the murder before announcing urgent security measures which initiated the dictatorship. Mussolini’s speech ended with a rhetorical invitation to indict him. No one did so in a parliament populated only by fascists, as the antifascist opposition had abandoned it in June, outraged by the murder of one of its leaders. The lessons are clear: preside democratic institutions at all costs, indict criminal leaders at all times.
In an episode of the TV series, Mussolini says to the camera: “Democracy is beautiful. It even allows you the possibility of destroying it.” Let’s remind ourselves it also allows the possibility of defending it. Let’s use it fully while we can.