After over 20 years on Labour’s NEC Ann Black reflects on Starmer’s wasted years and a new leader
As I leave the NEC, the political landscape is more confusing than ever. I am not sure where the party is going, or even where it should go, so it is the right time to pass on to new generations.
Since I was first elected in 2000, my basic principles have stayed constant while the party changed around me. Back then I was part of the “left-wing” grassroots alliance, but party managers gradually realised that I could be sensible and even allowed me to chair the NEC. When the party polarised after Brexit, I was disowned by Momentum for voting the wrong way and lost my seat in 2018. I returned in 2020 with help from the “right-wing” Labour First. At different times, party staff have worked to keep me out of key positions, and to get me into them. Throughout, I have tried to judge every issue on its merits, reported on every meeting and corresponded with hundreds of members.
Personally, I cannot hide a sense of disappointment. I was not surprised when Gordon Brown, Ed Miliband and Jeremy Corbyn lost elections, but I had high hopes for Keir Starmer. He became leader during Covid, when balancing the national interest with party politics was difficult, but the last two years have been largely wasted. The 2024 conference should have showcased new, popular initiatives, instead of being dominated by rows over free specs and winter fuel payments. Morgan McSweeney now admits that Labour failed to prepare to govern. So, what actually was the point of winning?
Internationally, Keir Starmer did much to restore the UK’s reputation, including relations with Europe, support for Ukraine and dealing with a deranged White House. I understand criticisms for ineffectiveness, poor decisions, careless language on Gaza and migration, and U-turns: he now claims scrapping the two-child benefit cap as his proudest achievement, when in 2023 he insisted that Labour would keep it. “Hate” is a surprisingly strong word, but that is what came back from the doorsteps.
As I write, Andy Burnham has had three weeks in the job. First signals were good: hope and positivity, focus on cost of living, small amounts of money but going in the right direction, a user-friendly manner, and social media messaging which inspires rather than appals. But events always interfere, and outrage at the early release of two men convicted of killing PC Andrew Harper will not go away.
I hope he succeeds on social care, but it will need a massive public relations effort. Voters instinctively dislike the idea of a 10% “death tax” on all estates. But the current lottery means that if your parents die suddenly, you may inherit £500,000, while if they need years of residential care, you will be left with just £23,250. Is it better to have 90% guaranteed, or risk the lot? And sadly, I’m resigned to losing the assisted dying bill. I know that views differ, but it seems odd that I could have to die in agony when palliative care is not available and only get a choice when it is available.
I also hope that devolution delivers. But how does Manchesterism apply in the south-east, with 91 constituencies and not a single mayor, or in Cornwall, which has its own identity and would like to be a separate nation? Many councils are still in the throes of reorganisation, with politicians and employees worrying about their jobs instead of delivering services. Also, local authorities and devolved nations tend to swing politically against national government. Will we get growth in every postcode, or amplify current postcode lotteries? And when will people see the benefits?
At national level, the two-party system is fractured, with the advent of Reform and Restore and the rise of Plaid Cymru, the SNP, the Lib Dems and the Greens. If Labour can elect two-thirds of MPs with one-third of the vote, then anything can happen next time, and electoral reform is more urgent than ever. It may give platforms to undesirables and prevent another Labour landslide, but most importantly it should prevent extremist parties gaining absolute power. Even if an independent commission were established today, there is no time to redraw the system before 2029. The best we can hope for is inclusion in Labour’s manifesto, and support from enough other parties after the election just to do it. No more referendums.
Finally, Andy Burnham needs support from party members. Many joined to vote for Keir Starmer and are upset by his removal. They can be won over if Labour follows policies which they support, and if they are trusted and empowered. A good early signal would be to guarantee that they can choose their parliamentary candidates for the first time since 2015, select their council candidates and work with their councillors. Devolution must apply equally within the party.